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The circles

Relationships born online, twenty years of results

Whether they replace or complement offline relationships was asked as early as the 1990s. The answers have changed twice.

By G. Cazal, Personal networks and sociabilityPublished on 2 min

The two initial hypotheses

The displacement hypothesis held that time spent online would substitute for existing relationships. The stimulation hypothesis held the opposite: the tools would allow more ties to be maintained.

Early studies, in the late 1990s, seemed to support the first. A 1998 American study led by Robert Kraut and his colleagues, reporting an association between internet use and isolation, was widely taken up, before being partly contradicted by its own authors in a later follow-up.

At the same time, field studies described the opposite. Keith Hampton and Barry Wellman's study of a wired neighbourhood in suburban Toronto found that connected residents knew more of their neighbours than the others did, a result consistent with the second hypothesis.

The shift of the question

As use became general, comparing users and non-users ceased to make sense: non-users became a particular population, older and less educated.

The question therefore shifted towards types of use. Studies now distinguish active use, exchanging with identified people, from passive use, consulting content. This is the second change of answer announced at the outset: the question is no longer whether one is online, but what one does there.

What that distinction yields

Several studies find associations of opposite sign by type of use, active use being associated with a more favourable reported state and passive use with the reverse.

Those results are mostly correlational, and the few available experiments cover short durations and student samples, which limits their reach. More recent critical reviews question the distinction itself, noting that the same actions may fall under either kind of use depending on the person.

Exclusively online relationships

Surveys find that relationships born online often migrate to other channels, and that those remaining exclusively online are described as less close on average. Malcolm Parks and Kory Floyd already observed this in 1996 among participants in discussion forums.

That average covers very different situations, notably for people whose offline opportunities to meet are constrained by health, geography or belonging to a locally underrepresented minority. For them, the channel says nothing about the importance of the tie.

What remains hard to measure

Platforms hold precise contact data but do not publish it, and analyses conducted with their cooperation raise questions of independence and consent.

Independent surveys, for their part, rest on reported use whose agreement with recorded use is poor, as the meta-analysis by Douglas Parry and his colleagues established in 2021. The field thus finds itself in an uncomfortable and durable position.

Key points

Comparing users and non-users no longer makes sense, the latter being a particular population.

Studies distinguish active from passive use, associated with opposite reported states.

Precise contact data belong to platforms and are not published.

This article describes documented mechanisms and disagreements. It recommends no position, no party and no vote, and commits to no reading other than that of the work it cites.

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